Some members of Congress have usefully pointed out the cost of a no-deal Brexit for Northern Ireland. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi sounded the alarm last April when she and several colleagues traveled to London, Dublin and Belfast to warn that Congress would not support an American UK. A trade deal that undermined the peace process.30 The co-chairs of the Friends of Ireland group in the House of Representatives, MPs Richard Neal and Peter King, made a similar bipartisan promise.31 The debate in Congress took place in the letter from Senator Tom Cotton and 43 Fellow Republicans to Prime Minister Johnson, who advocated a trade deal „regardless of how Brexit unfolds,” more partisan nuances. 32 Among the parties to the agreement were two sovereign States (the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland) whose armed and police forces were involved in the unrest. Two political parties, Sinn Féin and the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), were linked to paramilitary organisations: the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) respectively. The Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), which was linked to the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), had withdrawn from the talks three months earlier. The UK is required by law to ensure that goods entering Northern Ireland from the UK are inspected, according to Jess Sargeant of the Institute for Government think tank. The overall result of these problems was to damage unionists` confidence in the deal, which was exploited by the anti-deal DUP, which eventually overtook the pro-deal Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in the 2003 general election. The UUP had already resigned from power-sharing in 2002 after the Stormontgate scandal, in which three men were accused of gathering information. These charges were eventually dropped in 2005 on the controversial grounds that the persecution was not „in the public interest”. Immediately afterwards, one of the accused Sinn Féin members, Denis Donaldson, was denounced as a British agent. Both views were recognized as legitimate.
For the first time, the Irish government has agreed in a binding international agreement that Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom.  The Irish Constitution has also been amended to implicitly recognise Northern Ireland as part of the sovereign territory of the United Kingdom, subject to the consent of the majority of the inhabitants of the island`s two jurisdictions to a united Ireland. On the other hand, the wording of the agreement reflects a shift in the legal focus on the UK from one for the Union to one for a united Ireland.  The agreement therefore left open the question of future sovereignty over Northern Ireland.  A dispute over the introduction of new controls on commercial goods transported between mainland Britain and Northern Ireland weighed on the 1998 Irish peace agreement, which ended three decades of bloodshed – „the unrest” – in Northern Ireland. In 2004, negotiations took place between the two governments, the DUP and Sinn Féin on an agreement to restore the institutions. These talks failed, but a document published by governments detailing changes to the Belfast Agreement became known as the „Global Agreement”. However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Provisional Irish Republican Army had completely decommissioned and „decommissioned” its arsenal.
Nevertheless, many trade unionists, especially the DUP, remained sceptical. Of the loyalist paramilitaries, only the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) had decommissioned weapons.  Further negotiations took place in October 2006 for the St Andrews Agreement. Loyalist paramilitary groups have informed the British and Irish governments that they are withdrawing their support for the Good Friday Agreement in protest against Northern Ireland`s trade border with the Irish Sea with the rest of the UK. Ireland`s top diplomat has warned that the ongoing dispute between the UK and the European Union over post-Brexit border arrangements could lead to the „collapse” of institutions on a two-decade-old Northern Ireland peace deal if the two sides fail to break the deadlock. He said the protocol violated the guarantees of the Good Friday Agreement, also known as the Belfast Agreement, to protect the status of both communities. Loyalist resentment was comparable to that of 1985, when Unionists and Loyalists held mass rallies against the Anglo-Irish agreement, Campbell said. Stephen Farry, an MP from the Centrist Alliance Party, said the loyalist withdrawal from the Good Friday Agreement was a political and symbolic gesture.
„However, this has no practical consequences. The agreement is based on the double referendums of 1998. I am more concerned about the continued escalation of rhetoric and the construction of unrealistic expectations that the protocol can be replaced if there is no plausible alternative. The decision violated the provisions of the Northern Ireland Protocol, a provision of the Brexit deal that London struck with the EU to allow the free movement of goods and people between Ireland, an EU member state, and Northern Ireland, which left the EU in January with the rest of the UK. The British Government is virtually out of the equation, and neither the British Parliament nor the British people have the legal right under this agreement to impede the achievement of Irish unity if it had the consent of the peoples of the North and the South. Our nation is and always will be a nation with 32 counties. Antrim and Down are and will remain as much a part of Ireland as any other county in the south.  The main issues omitted by Sunningdale and addressed in the Belfast Agreement are the principle of self-determination, recognition of both national identities, British-Irish intergovernmental cooperation and legal procedures to make power-sharing mandatory, such as coordination between communities and the D`Hondt system for the appointment of ministers of the executive.   Former IRA member and journalist Tommy McKearney says the main difference is the British government`s intention to negotiate a comprehensive deal involving the IRA and the most intransigent trade unionists.  With respect to the right to self-determination, two limitations are noted by legal writer Austen Morgan. Firstly, the transfer of territory from one State to another must be done through international agreements between the British and Irish Governments. Secondly, the people of Northern Ireland can no longer achieve a united Ireland alone; they need not only the Irish Government, but also the people of their Irish neighbour to support unity.
Morgan also pointed out that, unlike the Ireland Act 1949 and the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, which were drafted under Sunningdale, the 1998 Agreement and the resulting UK legislation expressly provided for the possibility of a united Ireland.  The US could accept any Brexit deal reached by the UK. . . .